Orientation I — Cicero's life through Latin biographical texts定向一:从拉丁传记文本读西塞罗生平
Cicero's public career and the people in it; the defender of the 80s-70s and the accusing advocate of 70. Latin biographical and autobiographical texts.
- Cicero's own retrospectives on his career and his choice to prosecute
- The people: Verres, Hortensius, Caecilius, the Sicilians, Cicero's family and patrons
- Nepos as a model of Latin biography (Atticus above all) for how a Roman life is narrated
- Later Latin testimony on Cicero as advocate
Latin dossier · 121 loci, each with its Perseus text拉丁文档 · 121 处出处,各附 Perseus 原文
Chosen for this meeting; the Latin is pulled from the Perseus canonical TEI at build and re-checked by scripts/check_teach_dossiers.py. The dossier itself is a Markdown file kept with the course, not published here.为本次课所选;拉丁文在构建时自 Perseus 规范 TEI 提取,并由 check_teach_dossiers.py 复核。文档本身是随课程保存的 Markdown 文件,未在此发布。
- Cic. Div. Caec. 1 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The hinge sentence of the whole course: Cicero anticipates the jury's astonishment that a man who for so many years defended many and injured nobody has now, with his purpose changed, come down to accusing. Meeting 1 can open here and let every other text answer it.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 2 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The biographical fact on which the whole prosecution rests, in Cicero's own words: he was quaestor in Sicily, left the province so as to leave the Sicilians a lasting memory, and they therefore came to him. This is the single passage that ties Meeting 1's biography to the speech the course reads.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 4 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero says outright that he had given himself to defending men from earliest youth and is now dragged over to accusing by circumstance and obligation. The most explicit first-person career statement in the speech.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 5 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero's resolution of his own problem: what looks like his accusation should be reckoned a defence, because he is defending many mortals, many communities, the whole province of Sicily, and only one man has to be accused. This is the argumentative move Meeting 1 exists to expose.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 41 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero's own account of his forensic record — that few or none of his generation have defended more cases — followed immediately by the admission that he still shudders in body and mind when he thinks of the day he must speak. Career boast and stage fright in one period.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 63 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero gives the precedents by name — Philo, Aurelius Scaurus, and above all Cn. Pompeius, refused leave to prosecute T. Albucius because he had been Albucius' quaestor, while C. Iulius got the case because the Sardinians asked him. Cicero says outright: 'quaestor enim Albuci fuerat, ut tu Verris'. The 70 BC contest is an exact replay.
- Cic. Rosc. Am. 1 · Perseus ↗The opening of Cicero's first public case opens exactly as the Divinatio does, with the audience's surprise that he of all people has stood up. Put the two exordia side by side and the students see a young advocate's signature move, and the whole 80s-to-70 arc, in two sentences.
- Cic. Verr. 1.2 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Verres named and defined in four phrases that are in fact his cursus in order: depeculator aerari (quaestor), vexator Asiae atque Pamphyliae (legate), praedo iuris urbani (urban praetor), labes atque pernicies provinciae Siciliae. Set it beside Verr. 2.1.34, which turns the same four into the plan of the prosecution.
- Cic. Verr. 1.6 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero's own account of the evidence-gathering journey: he covered the whole of Sicily in fifty days and collected the documents and grievances of every community and private person, while Verres' rival inquisitor never even reached Brundisium. Concrete, narrative, and it shows what prosecuting actually cost.
- Cic. Verr. 1.36 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero declares himself the standing accuser of judicial corruption and promises to do it from the magistracy he has just won: this is the aedileship offered to the Roman people as a munus. The clearest place where advocacy and the cursus honorum are welded together in his own voice.
- Cic. Verr. 2.2.65 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Heraclius and Epicrates come far out to meet Cicero, thank him in tears as he arrives at Syracuse, and want to travel to Rome with him — then are held back by the praetor. The Sicilian clientela of Div. Caec. 2 seen as a scene rather than a claim.
- Cic. Verr. 2.3.6 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Hortensius keeps asking what injury or enmity drove Cicero to come down to accusing — the Divinatio's question, still live in the second action. Cicero sets aside officium and the Sicilians and answers on enmity itself, redefining inimicitiae as opposition of principle.
- Cic. Verr. 2.5.35 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero on how he held his Sicilian quaestorship: as though everyone's eyes were fixed on him alone, as though he and his quaestorship were performing in some theatre of the whole world. The self-portrait that the Divinatio's opening presupposes, and unforgettable for students.
- Cic. Verr. 2.5.180 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Someone will ask whether he really means to take on such labour and such enmities; Cicero answers that the same licence is not open to him as to the nobly born, on whom the Roman people's favours are conferred while they sleep. Then Cato as his model. The novus homo speaking about his own terms of life.
- Cic. Verr. 2.5.189 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The last sentence of the whole Verrines is a prayer that hereafter he may be allowed to defend the good rather than be compelled to accuse the wicked. It closes the ring opened by Div. Caec. 1 and gives Meeting 1 its ending as well as its beginning.
- Cic. Brut. 312 · Perseus ↗Cicero dates his own debut: his first public case, for Sextus Roscius, brought him such standing that no case afterwards seemed unworthy of his patronage. Four lines that establish the starting point of the career the Divinatio looks back on.
- Cic. Brut. 318 · Perseus ↗Cicero's own chronology of these years, told as a synchronism of three careers: 'cum quaesturam nos, consulatum Cotta, aedilitatem peteret Hortensius. Interim me quaestorem Siciliensis excepit annus.' The single tidiest Latin sentence for putting the quaestorship on the timeline of the meeting.
- Cic. Brut. 319 · Perseus ↗Cicero's own retrospective label for the Verres case: after some five years among the leading patrons, 'in patrocinio Siciliensi' he came into his greatest contest, aedile-elect against consul-elect Hortensius. He calls the prosecution a patrocinium — exactly the redefinition of Div. Caec. 5, still standing twenty-four years later.
- Cic. Planc. 64 · Perseus ↗Cicero on his Sicilian quaestorship, sixteen years on: he thought at the time that people at Rome were talking of nothing but his quaestorship, and lists what he did — grain sent in a famine, fair dealing with traders and contractors, restraint towards the allies.
- Cic. Planc. 65 · Perseus ↗The Puteoli anecdote: Cicero comes home from Sicily certain that Rome has talked of nothing but his quaestorship, and a man at the baths asks him whether he is back from Africa. The funniest and most humane passage available on the office at the centre of this thread; §64 gives the self-praise it deflates, §66 the lesson he drew.
- Cic. Planc. 66 · Perseus ↗The lesson Cicero says he drew from Puteoli: the Roman people's ears are dull but their eyes sharp, so he made them see him daily — 'habitavi in oculis, pressi forum'. The working method behind the advocacy record boasted of at Div. Caec. 41.
- Cic. Off. 2.50 · Perseus ↗Writing in 44, Cicero lists the only proper grounds for prosecuting and names his own Verres case among them — 'ut nos pro Siculis, pro Sardis in Albucio Iulius'. The same Iulius/Albucius precedent he had used at Div. Caec. 63. Set the two side by side and the class watches one man's argument hold for twenty-six years.
- Cic. Off. 2.51 · Perseus ↗The rule that you must never arraign an innocent man on a capital charge, that defending the guilty is another matter, and that glory comes above all from defences — closing with his own youthful defence of Roscius against Sulla's power. Cicero's mature theory of the career Meeting 1 is narrating.
- Cic. Clu. 139 · Perseus ↗Confronted with his own words from the Verres prosecution, Cicero replies that a man is badly mistaken who thinks the speeches we delivered in court record our settled opinions: they belong to the cases and the moments, not to the speakers. A direct retrospective on his own accusation.
- Cic. Mur. 17 · Perseus ↗Cicero claims to have broken open the barriers of nobility so that access to the consulship lies open to merit as much as to birth, and adds that in his own canvass he beat Catiline in standing and Galba in influence. Read against Att. 1.2, where he plans to defend that same Catiline.
- Cic. Att. 1.2.1 · Perseus ↗Six lines of private letter: a son born, then 'we are thinking of defending Catiline our rival', the jury is the one we wanted, and if he is acquitted he will be more attached to us for the canvass. Choosing whom to defend, stated as calculation with no audience to persuade.
- Quint. Inst. 4.1.49 · Perseus ↗Quintilian quotes the opening move of the Divinatio itself: Cicero says he knows some are surprised that a man who for so many years has defended many and injured no one has come down to accusing Verres, and then turns it into a defence of the allies. This is exactly the Meeting 1 hinge — the defender of the 80s and 70s becoming the accuser in 70 — stated by a later reader as a technique with a name.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 3 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Verres enters the speech here, and he enters inside the Sicilians' reported words, not Cicero's own. The three-year praetorship and the four vices (luxuries, crudelitas, avaritia, superbia) are the portrait the rest of the Verrines will fill in.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 13 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Two living men are pointed at in court — C. Marcellus on the panel, Cn. Lentulus Marcellinus in the audience — and behind them a family that has held Sicily as a clientela since 212. This is how provincial patronage actually worked, and it is why Cicero's Sicilian standing is worth contesting.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 27 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The direct interrogation of Caecilius as a person: what have you ever done, when did you ever test yourself? It opens the checklist of what an accuser must be, which the following sections run through one by one. Short, and every clause is a question a student can answer.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 29 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Three named people used as evidence about a fourth: Potamo the scriba kept back in the province by Verres, and M. Caecilius, the prosecutor's own brother, living on close terms with the defendant. The best single passage in the speech for how Roman advocacy argues from prosopography.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 32 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The sharpest statement of why Caecilius cannot prosecute: he was the man handling the money. 'eras enim tu quaestor, pecuniam publicam tu tractabas.' Two clauses, no ornament, and the whole conflict of interest is on the table.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 39 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The Lilybaeum sentence. Cicero places Caecilius' whole education in the province — Greek at Lilybaeum instead of Athens, Latin in Sicily instead of Rome — and so makes him a provincial rather than a Roman advocate. This is where the meeting's Lilybaeum thread actually lives in the Latin.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 44 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Hortensius is present in the Divinatio without ever being named: 'homine disertissimo et ad dicendum paratissimo'. Cicero says he knows the man's every move because they have appeared on the same side and on opposite sides for years. The rivalry of the meeting is right here, in the third person.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 45 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero predicts how Hortensius will destroy Caecilius, and the prediction includes a physical mannerism: 'in digitis suis singulas partis causae constituere'. Read it against Quint. 4.5.24, which independently records the finger-partitio as Hortensius' signature and says Cicero mocked it. Two texts, one gesture, 150 years apart.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 47 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The rest of Caecilius' team: L. Appuleius the subscriptor, and the borrowed speech-book put together out of other men's orations by some schoolmaster. Introduces the supporting-prosecutor as an institution and shows what Cicero thinks a prepared amateur looks like.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 56 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Caecilius at work as quaestor at Lilybaeum: he summons Agonis, frames the formula, sells her up, and Verres arrives and makes him hand the money back. It is the one narrative in the speech where Caecilius acts, and it takes place in the town the meeting is built around. Read §55 first for Agonis herself.
- Cic. Verr. 1.19 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The best scene in the whole affair: Curio meets the crowd escorting Hortensius home from the consular election, ignores the new consul, picks Verres out of the throng at the Fabian arch and says 'renuntio tibi te hodiernis comitiis esse absolutum.' Elections, patronage and the courts in one sentence. Read §18 first for the setup.
- Cic. Verr. 1.23 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Another Verres — Q. Verres of the Romilia tribe, a professional bribe-distributor trained by the defendant's father — offers 500,000 sesterces to keep Cicero out of the aedileship. The candidacy of Div. Caec. 69 is here shown under attack, with a price on it.
- Cic. Verr. 1.33 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero turns from the jury and speaks to Hortensius directly: 'res omnis mihi tecum erit, Hortensi. dicam aperte.' Then he explains why he will give up the long speech and go straight to witnesses. The rivalry and the tactic in one place; read with Quint. 6.5.4, which analyses exactly this decision.
- Cic. Verr. 2.1.34 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Verres' career laid out as the plan of the prosecution — quaestura, legatio Asiatica, praetura urbana, praetura Siciliensis — and then the first item narrated: quaestor to the consul Cn. Carbo, he took the army's pay and walked away. Career and character are the same document.
- Cic. Verr. 2.2.83 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Sthenius of Thermae, 'hic qui nobis adsidet' — a Sicilian who is in the room, pointed at, and whose house Verres had stayed in as a guest before stripping it. The clearest example of what Cicero's Sicilian connections consist of: hospitium, and its violation.
- Cic. Verr. 2.3.22 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Q. Apronius, chief of the tithe-collectors, introduced with 'quem videtis' and then 'aspicite, iudices, vultum hominis et aspectum'. Verres' instrument, present in court, described by having the jury look at him. A person-introduction that depends on the room.
- Cic. Verr. 2.4.89 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The Marcelli, patrons of Sicily since the capture of Syracuse, displaced: 'nunc Siculorum Marcelli non sunt patroni, Verres in eorum locum substitutus est.' Read against Div. Caec. 13, where the living Marcelli sit in court supporting Cicero. Provincial patronage as a contested inheritance.
- Cic. Verr. 2.4.138 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Cicero and his brother Quintus walk into the Syracusan council chamber, are received with honour, and are addressed by Diodorus son of Timarchides on behalf of the senate and people; Cicero answers that he will ask nothing of a chamber that has a gilded statue of Verres in it. The evidence-gathering journey of 70 BC, with Sicilians as speaking persons. Read §137 first.
- Cic. Brut. 301 · Perseus ↗Hortensius as a young man, in Cicero's retrospective obituary: the earliest advocate at the top of the profession, and a memory Cicero says he never saw matched in anyone. Gives the class an opponent worth beating before they meet him in the Divinatio.
- Cic. Brut. 324 · Perseus ↗Hortensius' whole career measured against Brutus' lifetime — he began pleading sixteen years before Brutus was born and defended Appius in his sixty-fourth year, a few days before his death. A good closing frame if the meeting wants Hortensius as a life rather than an obstacle.
- Cic. Tusc. 5.64 · Perseus ↗'cuius ego quaestor ... indagavi sepulcrum' — Cicero as quaestor hunting through the brambles outside Syracuse for Archimedes' tomb, which the Syracusans said did not exist. The one passage where the quaestorship is a scene rather than a claim. §65-66 finish it, ending 'nisi ab homine Arpinate didicisset'.
- Quint. Inst. 6.5.4 · Perseus ↗Quintilian's example of consilium is Cicero's handling of the Verres case: he chose to compress his own speaking time rather than let the trial run into the year in which Hortensius would be consul. One sentence that puts the calendar, the consular elections and the opposing counsel into the students' hands at the start of the course.
- Quint. Inst. 4.5.24 · Perseus ↗Quintilian credits Hortensius with great skill in partitio but records that his division counted out on the fingers, and that Cicero used to make light of it. This is the external confirmation of the gesture Cicero predicts at Div. Caec. 45 — put the two on one page.
- Gell. NA 1.5.2 · Perseus ↗Gellius on Hortensius: more famous than any orator of his day except Cicero, dressed with elaborate care, hands 'argutae admodum et gestuosae' while pleading, and abused in court as an actor. The physical presence behind the 'homo disertissimus' of Div. Caec. 44.
- Gell. NA 1.5.3 · Perseus ↗The retort: L. Torquatus calls him a dancing-girl, Dionysia, and Hortensius replies in a soft voice that he would rather be Dionysia than what Torquatus is — ἄμουσος, ἀναφρόδιτος, ἀπροσδιόνυσος. Worth teaching for the Greek punchline in a Latin sentence. Note for the renderer: this Perseus text carries two visible dittographies in the section ('acerbiusqueacerliusque', 'atqueatoue'); flag or normalise before it reaches students.
- Nep. Att. 1 · Perseus ↗The life opens on descent, equestrian rank, the father's means and love of letters, the boy's schooling and voice, and then names the schoolfellows: L. Torquatus, C. Marius the younger, M. Cicero. For a meeting on Cicero's career and the people in it, this is where Cicero first enters the biographical record, as a boy.
- Nep. Att. 2 · Perseus ↗The 80s as a private man lived through them: P. Sulpicius killed as tribune, the Cinnanus tumultus, the city split between Sullani and Cinnani, and departure for Athens. This is the decade behind the meeting's "defender of the 80s", narrated from outside the courts.
- Nep. Att. 4 · Perseus ↗Sulla keeps Atticus by him at Athens and is refused in oratio recta; later Atticus sends 250,000 sesterces to Cicero fleeing into exile; the return to Rome is dated L. Cotta L. Torquato consulibus. Three of the meeting's people appear in one chapter, and the chapter dates itself the Roman way.
- Nep. Att. 5 · Perseus ↗The uncle Q. Caecilius, eques Romanus, adopts Atticus by will and leaves him three quarters of the estate; the same chapter marries Atticus's sister to Quintus Cicero with Marcus as matchmaker, and sets Hortensius beside Cicero as Atticus's other intimate. Hortensius is the man who will defend Verres, so the meeting's cast is assembled here.
- Nep. Att. 6 · Perseus ↗Atticus declines the honores though they were open to him, never bid at a public auction, was never praes or manceps, and — the clause that matters for this course — neminem neque suo nomine neque subscribens accusavit. Read against a semester on the Divinatio, this chapter is the negative image of the whole speech.
- Nep. Att. 9 · Perseus ↗Nepos writes that calling Atticus prudens would be to say too little, ille potius divinus fuerit, si divinatio appellanda est perpetua naturalis bonitas. The word in the title of the course's speech appears here in its ordinary sense, in a chapter that also puts Atticus in court as sponsor at Fulvia's every vadimonium.
- Nep. Att. 10 · Perseus ↗The proscription seen from beside Cicero: Antony's hatred reaches Cicero and all his friends, and Atticus is struck off the list in Antony's own hand. It gives the class the end of Cicero's life without narrating it, which is exactly what a life of someone else can do.
- Nep. Att. 11 · Perseus ↗The chapter states that Atticus incurred no enmities at all — nullas inimicitias gessit — and closes on the sententia that carries the whole life, Sui cuique mores fingunt fortunam hominibus. It is the thesis of the book, and the exact opposite of the career the Divinatio belongs to.
- Nep. Att. 13 · Perseus ↗The narrative stops and the life turns to headings — house, slaves, reading at dinner, monthly expenditure from the ephemeris — and Nepos claims autopsy: saepe enim propter familiaritatem domesticis rebus interfuimus. This is the visible joint between the two halves of the form.
- Nep. Att. 16 · Perseus ↗Nepos says the rolls of Cicero's letters to Atticus, running from the consulship to the end, leave a reader wanting no continuous history of the period; and that reading them shows prudentiam quodam modo esse divinationem. It is at once the source-note for everything the course will say about Cicero's life and a second, sharper appearance of the word divinatio.
- Nep. Att. 18 · Perseus ↗Atticus's Liber Annalis, quo magistratus ordinavit, with every law, peace, war and notable event set at its own date and family descents woven in; then the separate stemmata made for Brutus and for the Marcelli, Scipiones, Fabii and Aemilii; then a Greek book on Cicero's consulship. The apparatus by which a Roman fixed a public life is described here from the inside.
- Nep. Att. 19 · Perseus ↗Haec hactenus Attico vivo edita a nobis sunt. nunc, quoniam fortuna nos superstites ei esse voluit, reliqua persequemur. The biographer discloses that the first part was published while his subject was alive and that he is now continuing after the death. There is no clearer statement in Latin of how such a book came to exist.
- Nep. Att. 21 · Perseus ↗The illness, the summoning of Agrippa, L. Cornelius Balbus and Sex. Peducaeus, and then a speech in oratio recta in which Atticus tells them he will stop feeding the disease and asks them not to argue. A long stretch of continuous, teachable direct speech at the point where the life turns to its close.
- Nep. Att. 22 · Perseus ↗Death dated pridie Kalendas Apriles Cn. Domitio C. Sosio consulibus, a funeral without pomp, burial at the fifth milestone on the Appian Way in the monument of Q. Caecilius, avunculi sui. The closing chapter returns to the uncle of chapter 5, so the class can see the whole life shut on itself.
- Nep. Milt. 1 · Perseus ↗The first life in the collection opens on the bare formula — name, patronymic, ethnic — and moves straight to a public commission and an oracle. Set beside Atticus 1 it lets the class see in one comparison what Nepos changed when the subject was a Roman of no office.
- Nep. Them. 1 · Perseus ↗An opening built on vices corrected by virtues, with the biographer stating his own narrative order — sed ab initio est ordiendus — and naming Thucydides for the judgement on the man's mind. Short, and it shows two formal moves at once.
- Nep. Them. 9 · Perseus ↗Nepos sets aside the majority version and gives his reasons for preferring Thucydides — nearest in date among those who wrote that period's history, and of the same city — then quotes a letter entire. It pairs directly with Hannibal 13 and with Gellius on Nepos's own error.
- Nep. Alc. 1 · Perseus ↗A whole character delivered in strings of adjectives, the virtues and the vices of the same man set against each other, closed by the observation that no one showed so much unlikeness within a single person. The most compact example in Nepos of the character sketch as a formal unit.
- Nep. Epam. 1 · Perseus ↗Before starting, Nepos addresses his readers, warns them against measuring Greek habits by Roman ones, and then lists the headings he will follow: descent first, then education and teachers, then character and abilities, then deeds. The plan of a Latin life stated in advance, and the same plan the Atticus follows.
- Nep. Epam. 10 · Perseus ↗The life ends by declaring enough has been said if one thing is added, and then settles the man's worth in a single measure: Thebes obeyed others before he was born and after he died, and led all Greece while he governed. A closing that states its own sufficiency.
- Nep. Pelop. 1 · Perseus ↗Nepos states the problem of his own genre in one sentence: if he sets out the events he will seem to be writing history rather than telling a life, and if he gives only the headings, readers with no Greek reading will not see the man's stature. This is the clearest Latin statement anywhere of what a vita is and is not.
- Nep. Hann. 13 · Perseus ↗Death at seventy, then three incompatible consular dates set side by side from Atticus's annalis, from Polybius and from Sulpicius Blitho, then the Greek books Hannibal wrote and the two eyewitness historians, then the announcement that the Roman commanders follow so that the two sets may be compared. A closing chapter that shows dating, source-conflict and the comparative plan of the book at once.
- Nep. Cato 1 · Perseus ↗A Roman career set out step by step: municipal origin at Tusculum, the move to Rome and the forum, first campaign at seventeen, tribunus militum in Sicily under named consuls, quaestor to Scipio, aedilis plebei, praetor with Sardinia. This is the template against which Cicero's own rise from Arpinum will be read all semester.
- Nep. Cato 2 · Perseus ↗Consulship, province, triumph, the quarrel with Scipio, the censorship exercised severely, and the summary judgement that for some eighty years he never stopped taking on inimicitiae for the state's sake and lost no standing by it. Read beside Atticus 6 and 11 it frames the choice Cicero makes in 70 when he takes the prosecution of Verres.
- Gell. NA 15.28 · Perseus ↗Gellius quotes Nepos's lost first book on Cicero's life, catches him making Cicero twenty-three at the Pro Roscio, and recomputes from the consuls of Cicero's birth (Q. Caepio and Q. Serranus, a.d. III Non. Ian.) to the consuls of the Pro Quinctio and then of the Pro Roscio; he then suggests Nepos shaved four years studio amoris et amicitiae. It brings this thread and the meeting together: the biographer of Atticus also wrote Cicero's life, and got Cicero's first great defence wrong.
- Gell. NA 17.21.3 · Perseus ↗Gellius cites Nepos in primo Chronico dating Homer about a hundred and sixty years before the founding of Rome, beside Cassius's Annales. Three lines, and they show the other half of Nepos's work — the chronographer standing behind the biographer, and behind Atticus's Liber Annalis at Att. 18.
- Gell. NA 2.4 · Perseus ↗This is the one ancient text that defines the procedure the whole course is named after. Gellius asks why a hearing to decide which of two or more rival prosecutors gets the accusatio or the subscriptio is called a divinatio, gives Gavius Bassus' etymology, judges it thin, and offers a better one. Reading it in Meeting 1 means the students meet the institution before they meet Cicero's speech. Note: the Perseus text here carries embedded scribal doublets (e.g. 'vocabulorumVocabilorum' at 2.4.3) that will render oddly.
- Quint. Inst. 11.1.20 · Perseus ↗Quintilian names the speech descriptively — 'contra Q. Caecilium de accusatore in Verrem constituendo' — and observes that although Cicero's fitness to plead was itself at issue, he took eloquence away from Caecilius rather than claiming it for himself, saying only that he had done everything to acquire it, not that he had. A precise later reading of the ethos of our text.
- Quint. Inst. 12.7 (12.7.1–12) · Perseus ↗The chapter asks the two questions Meeting 1 needs: will a good man ever accuse, and will he take money for pleading. Quintilian says the vir bonus would rather defend, but will not shrink from the name of accuser; that young men were thought to give a pledge to the state by prosecuting bad citizens; and he names the roll — Hortensius, the Luculli, Sulpicius, Cicero, Caesar, both Catos. Then he turns to fees, which sets up Plutarch's claim that Cicero took none.
- Quint. Inst. 6.3.98 · Perseus ↗The exchange in court at the Verres trial: Hortensius says he does not understand riddles, and Cicero answers that he ought to, since he keeps a Sphinx at home — a bronze Sphinx of great value that he had taken from Verres. Short, memorable, and it introduces both Hortensius and the fact that Verres' plunder was circulating among the defence.
- Quint. Inst. 6.3.4 · Perseus ↗Quintilian defends Cicero against the charge of joking too much, and makes a technical observation about the Verrines specifically: the flatter jokes in them Cicero ascribed to other people and set down as evidence, so that the more commonplace they are the more credible it is that they were not invented by the orator but were going round. A later reader's account of how the Verrine text was constructed. Warning: this section of the Perseus text has OCR slips (ilia for illa).
- Quint. Inst. 12.1.16 · Perseus ↗Cicero's public career compressed into a single Latin period: the consulship discharged most nobly, the province administered with complete integrity, the vigintiviratus refused, and in the civil wars a mind turned aside neither by hope nor by fear. For students meeting the career for the first time this is the most economical Latin summary in the corpus, and it is written by someone arguing a case about Cicero's character.
- Quint. Inst. 10.1.112 · Perseus ↗The capstone of Quintilian's assessment: in his own day Cicero was said to reign in the courts, and with posterity he came to be not the name of a man but the name of eloquence. Two clauses, both quotable, both about him precisely as a courtroom advocate — which is the register in which Meeting 1 should leave him.
- Quint. Inst. 2.17.21 · Perseus ↗Quintilian is arguing that an orator who uses the false for the true is not himself deceived, and his instance is Cicero boasting that he had spread darkness over the jury in the Cluentius case. It gives Meeting 1 the uncomfortable counterweight to the Divinatio's self-portrait of the honest advocate, and it does so in three words of Cicero's own that Quintilian preserves.
- Gell. NA 1.5 · Perseus ↗Four short sections that introduce Hortensius as a person: the most celebrated orator of his generation except Cicero, mocked in court for his dress and his actor's gestures, called 'Dionysia' after a dancing-girl by L. Torquatus, and answering in a soft voice that he would rather be Dionysia than what Torquatus is. Meeting 1 needs Verres' advocate to be a face, not a name.
- Gell. NA 12.12 · Perseus ↗Cicero wanted a house on the Palatine, had no cash, and took a quiet loan of two million sesterces from P. Sulla, who was at the time a defendant; when the loan came out he denied both the money and the purchase, and after buying the house laughed the lie off in the senate. Five short sections, and the perfect foil to Plutarch's claim that Cicero took neither fees nor gifts for pleading.
- Gell. NA 1.7 (payload at §§1–8) · Perseus ↗Gellius opens a copy of the fifth speech against Verres 'of proven reliability, made with Tiro's care and discipline', quotes a whole period from it about obscure men who travel abroad trusting in their citizenship, and then defends the reading 'futurum' against readers who wanted to correct it. Meeting 1 gets both a physical book of the Verrines and the beginning of a textual-critical habit. The chapter runs to twenty-one sections; the first five or six carry the point.
- Gell. NA 10.3 (Cicero at §§7–14) · Perseus ↗Gellius sets three Latin accounts of the same outrage side by side — Gaius Gracchus on M. Marius flogged at Teanum, Cicero on Gavius flogged at Messana, and Cato on Q. Thermus — and argues for Cicero. He quotes the Verrine at length, including 'civis Romanus sum' and the apostrophe to the name of liberty. It is the fullest surviving ancient reading of Cicero as an advocate, and it shows the class in Meeting 1 what the speeches they are about to study were famous for.
- Plut. Cic. 7 · Perseus ↗The single most important Greek chapter for this course. Plutarch says Cicero took neither fee nor gift for pleading, above all when he took up the case against Verres; that he won it by not speaking, calling witnesses instead because the praetors were pushing the trial into the last days; and then he names Caecilius, who wanted to push the Sicilians aside and prosecute Verres himself, and gives Cicero's joke about him. It also gives the Greek version of the Sphinx exchange with Hortensius.
- Plut. Cic. 6 · Perseus ↗The Sicilian quaestorship: appointed in a grain shortage, at first resented for the compulsory shipments to Rome, then honoured by the Sicilians as no governor had been; his successful defence of young Romans before the praetor of Sicily; and the deflating question on the road home, 'Where have you been all this time, Cicero?' This is the relationship on which the Sicilians' choice of him in 70 rests, and the chapter also explains his weakness for praise.
- Plut. Cic. 3 · Perseus ↗Cicero the defender of the 80s: study with Philo and the Mucii, service under Sulla in the Marsic war, retreat to Greek learning while the state slid into monarchy, then Chrysogonus' purchase of the dead man's estate, the parricide charge got up against young Roscius, nobody willing to help, Cicero taking the brief, winning, and leaving for Greece in fear of Sulla. Meeting 1 cannot state the 70 BC hinge without this chapter.
- Plut. Cic. 5 · Perseus ↗How Cicero became an advocate: the Delphic answer that he should make his own nature and not the opinion of the many his guide; the cautious first years in Rome, when the coarser sort called him 'a Greek and a schoolman'; then, pressed by his father and friends, his entry into συνηγορία and immediate pre-eminence; his study of the actors Roscius and Aesopus; and the warning that his relentless joking earned him a name for ill-nature.
- Plut. Cic. 8 · Perseus ↗The sequel to the trial: Verres condemned, Cicero assessed the damages at 750,000 and was accused of having lowered the figure for money; the grateful Sicilians brought him quantities of produce during his aedileship and he took no profit from it but used it to bring prices down. Then his property, Terentia's dowry, the inheritance, the house on the Palatine and the morning crowds that rivalled Crassus' and Pompey's. The advocate's standing, income and clientele in one chapter.
- Plut. Dem. 2 · Perseus ↗Plutarch explains that living in a small town and busy with public affairs he began to read Latin late in life, and that he came at the words through the things rather than at the things through the words; he can enjoy the beauty and speed of Latin expression but has not the leisure to study it properly. A class that is about to use the Life of Cicero as evidence should read the author's own statement of what he could and could not do with Latin.
- Plut. Comp. Dem. et Cic. 3 · Perseus ↗Plutarch's formal comparison puts Cicero's quaestorship in Sicily and his proconsulate in Cilicia and Cappadocia at the centre of his verdict: at a time when governors had turned from stealing to plundering, Cicero made a great display of contempt for money and of humanity; and unlike Demosthenes, who was reproached for writing speeches for hire, Cicero held out against the gifts of the Sicilians when he was aedile and of the Cappadocian king. This is the Greek statement of the very claim the Divinatio makes for him.
- Tac. Dial. 37 (37.1–6) · Perseus ↗Tacitus' speaker explains that great advocates were made by the standing and the size of their cases — 'de ambitu comitiorum, expilatis sociis et civibus trucidatis' — and states it flatly: Demosthenes is not made famous by the speeches against his guardians, nor Cicero a great orator by the defence of P. Quinctius or of Licinius Archias; Catiline and Milo and Verres and Antonius gave him that fame. For a first meeting this places the Verrines exactly where the tradition placed them.
- Tac. Dial. 20.1 · Perseus ↗Three questions in a row: who now will put up with an orator prefacing his weak health, who will wait through five books against Verres, who will endure those enormous volumes on pleas and formulae that we read in the Pro Tullio and the Pro Caecina. A useful cold shower at the start of a semester on one of those speeches, and it makes the students ask what changed.
- Val. Max. 4.2.4 · Perseus ↗Valerius records that Cicero defended A. Gabinius on a repetundae charge although Gabinius had driven him from the city in his consulship, and twice protected P. Vatinius, always hostile to his standing — 'without any charge of inconsistency, indeed with some credit'. Set against Quintilian 4.1.49, this shows the class that the Roman advocate's relations to friend and enemy were a subject of open moral argument, which is what the Divinatio is arguing about.
- Sen. Suas. 6.22 · Perseus ↗Livy's obituary of Cicero, preserved verbatim by Seneca the Elder: sixty-three years, a talent fortunate in its works and in their rewards, long prosperity broken by exile, by the ruin of the party he had stood for, by his daughter's death; he bore none of his adversities as a man should except his death; and if one weighed the faults against the virtues, he was a great and memorable man, one who would need a Cicero to praise him. The best single Latin verdict on the whole life, and the section just before it recalls that no part of the forum was without the trace of some famous pleading of his.
- Plin. Ep. 3.4 · Perseus ↗A working Roman advocate explains, in nine short sections and in the first person, why he agreed to prosecute a proconsul on behalf of a province: the envoys of Baetica asked the senate for him as advocatus against Caecilius Classicus, his colleagues tried to excuse him, the senate decreed he be given as patronus if the envoys could get his own consent, and he weighed the precedent of ancestors who prosecuted voluntarily to avenge wrongs done to guest-friends. Every consideration in the Divinatio recurs here 170 years later, from the other side of the tradition.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 10 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The panel selected sixteen sections of the Divinatio but never the one where Cicero states the actual legal test the jury is about to apply — the two questions a court must ask when deciding which of two men gets the prosecution. Gell. NA 2.4 explains what the word means; this is the only passage that says what the hearing decides.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 11 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The single largest hole in the selection. Div. Caec. 2 gives the quaestorship that created the clientela and Div. Caec. 63 gives the doctrine that accusation is patronage of allies; this is the passage where the two meet — the Sicilians physically present in court, having chosen Cicero. Nothing else in the list stages the moment the case begins.
- Cic. Verr. 1.1 (actio prima §1) · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The panel took §§2, 6, 19, 23, 33, 36 of the actio prima but skipped its opening — the one place that says why this trial mattered to anyone but Cicero and Verres. Without it the students meet an ambitious young advocate and never learn that the senatorial juries were under public attack and that this case was their test.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 72 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Div. Caec. 41 has the professional self-assertion and the register shift; this has the reason for it. It is the fullest statement anywhere in the speech of what Cicero personally stands to lose, and it makes the meeting's whole premise — that a career is the thing at stake in a procedural hearing — explicit rather than inferred.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 73 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The selection stops at §63 and never reaches the end of the speech. A first meeting that reads a speech should see how it closes, and this closing is short, is the formal request the whole hearing exists to answer, and pairs exactly with Off. 2.51, already selected, which states the same genitive-of-characteristic formula as doctrine.
- Cic. Div. Caec. 9 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本Div. Caec. 1, 4 and 5 pose the problem — a lifelong defender turning accuser — and the panel then jumps to §13. This is where Cicero answers it, with a verb of confession, and it is the hinge between the exordium already selected and the case-specific argument of §§10–11.
- Cic. Imp. Pomp. 1 · Perseus ↗Not one passage in the list comes from a speech to the people. Every Ciceronian locus is either a courtroom speech, a treatise, a letter or the Brutus, so students never see the third setting a Roman career runs through. This exordium also reuses, four years later and before a different audience, almost the same self-description as Div. Caec. 4 — the clearest possible demonstration that the Divinatio's first-person claim is a formula, not a confession.
- Cic. Brut. 314 · Perseus ↗The Brutus is represented only by 301, 312, 318, 319, 324 — the Hortensius notices and the Verres years. The autobiography's formative stretch is missing entirely, and this is its turning point: the two years of practice, the physical breakdown, and the decision to leave Rome. Without it the man who appears at Div. Caec. 1 with a defender's record has no history.
- Cic. Brut. 316 · Perseus ↗The other half of the same narrative, naming the Greek teachers and closing on the man who came back changed. It is the Latin text that Plut. Cic. 4 retells, so the two can be set side by side; and it explains the voice and delivery that Plut. Cic. 3 and 5, already selected, comment on from outside.
- Plut. Cic. 1 (§§1.1–1.4) · Perseus ↗The selection has six chapters of Plutarch's Cicero but not the opening. Thread 3 turns on how a Roman life begins — the panel chose the Nepotan openings of Miltiades, Themistocles, Epaminondas and Atticus precisely for that — and then omits the Greek opening of the life of the man the meeting is about. It runs mother, father, descent, the mocked cognomen, and ends on the Sicilian quaestorship, which is exactly where thread 2 starts.
- Plut. Cic. 4 (§§4.1–4.5) · Perseus ↗Plutarch's account of the same Athens–Asia–Rhodes journey as Brut. 314–316, with the same teachers named. Reading them together is a cheap and exact lesson in what a later biographer adds, drops and dramatises — and it gives the meeting its one moment where a Greek says out loud what a Roman's Greek education cost Greece.
- Cic. Leg. Agr. 2.3 · Perseus ↗Mur. 17 gives the novus homo argument made on someone else's behalf and Verr. 2.5.180 gives it as a complaint. Neither has Cicero making the claim about his own election, and De Lege Agraria is a whole speech nobody searched. This is the passage where the career the meeting is orienting to reaches its end point, and it argues from a comparative record of earlier novi homines rather than from sentiment.
- Cic. Arch. 1 · Perseus ↗Pro Archia is named in the index brief and nobody proposed a line of it. Its opening is the most widely taught first-person passage in the whole Ciceronian corpus and it does something no selected passage does: it makes Cicero's advocacy a debt to be repaid to a teacher, which is the same logic of obligation that Div. Caec. 2, 4 and 63 apply to a province.
- Cic. Q. fr. 1.1.7 · Perseus ↗The meeting reads a great deal about a governor who plundered his province and nothing about what a governor was supposed to be. The letters to Quintus are in the index and nobody searched them. This is Cicero writing to his own brother, mid-command, and grounding the whole of provincial administration in the governor's control of himself — the standard against which every charge in the Verrines is measured.
- Sall. Cat. 23 · Perseus ↗Sallust is in the index with two complete monographs and nobody searched him. Every Latin statement in the selection about what the nobility thought of a self-made advocate is made by Cicero himself. This is a near-contemporary and unsympathetic writer saying the same thing from the other side, in one sentence, and it lets the students test a first-person claim against an outside source before they are asked to trust Div. Caec. 1.
- Cic. Att. 1.1.1 · Perseus ↗The correspondence is represented by exactly one section. Att. 1.2.1 was chosen for the register contrast, and it earns that, but it does no prosopographical work. This is the first letter of the collection, and it does the thing thread 2 asks for better than anything else in the corpus: it introduces six named men in a single paragraph, each with a one-clause characterisation.
- Cic. Verr. 2.2.1 · Perseus ↗ · reader读本The opening of the Sicilian book, and the shortest statement Cicero ever makes of why he took the case and what he understood himself to have taken on. It stands directly behind Div. Caec. 11 and lets the students see the same commitment restated after the divinatio was won.
- Cic. Imp. Pomp. 2 · Perseus ↗Immediately follows the exordium above and supplies a hard career datum the selection lacks: the praetorian election returned him at the head of the poll in every century, three times over. Verr. 1.19 was chosen for the election verb transferred to a verdict; this is the same verb in its literal setting.
- Cic. Off. 2.49 · Perseus ↗Off. 2.50 and 2.51 were both taken, but 2.49 is the section they depend on: it is where Cicero states that prosecution is one of the two recognised routes by which a young man makes his name, and names the earlier orators who took it. It converts the Divinatio's self-justification from a personal plea into a precedent list.